Through the Eyes of a Serbian Journalist: Dinko Gruhonjić on Media, Fear, and Serbia’s Student Revol

In this third and final article on the Serbian student movement, the Foundation Max van der Stoel and the International Foundation GroenLinks once again joined forces. We had the opportunity to speak with Dinko Gruhonjić, a journalist with over two decades of experience and programme director of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NDNV). In addition to his media work, Mr. Gruhonjić is also a professor at the University of Novi Sad. The mass student protests in Serbia are still ongoing, as the demands, focusing on demanding justice and accountability of the ruling government, have not been met by the Serbian regime. One of the most prominent topics Gruhonjić highlights is the struggle over national broadcasting, which is increasingly losing its independence. Lately, students and other citizens have blocked the national broadcaster’s headquarters for over a week.

In this interview, we discuss the role of the media in Serbia, the ongoing protests, solidarity within the academic community, and the broader role of the EU and geopolitical tensions in the region. 

Media Freedom in Serbia 

Serbia’s democracy has existed for roughly twenty-five years and has faced persistent challenges, understandably, as democracy does not take root overnight. A functioning democracy relies on free and independent media, yet media freedom in Serbia remains limited and under pressure. The two public media services of Serbia are the national broadcaster RTS, and the public media service RTV, of the province of Vojvodina. Those public media services are by law public media services but are still following government instructions a pro-regime stance. Citizens in Serbia are now asking from the government and the editorial policy from RTS and the editorial policy to simply follow the law. “As every single public service in Europe, the owners of public media services should be citizens, not governments”, Gruhonjić says.  

When asking Gruhonjić about the state of independent media, he explains that it remains very poor and continues to deteriorate. The independent media, which are not controlled by the regime, are targeted by the regime as enemies, traitors, foreign agents and spies. Independent journalists are constantly subjected to verbal and even physical attacks from the regime. Gruhonjić thinks that independent media in Serbia deserves far greater support, both domestically as internationally.  

Gruhonjić is rather optimistic in most of his answers. Although older generations remain sceptical, he believes the student movement will be successful. “Before the tragedy in Novi Sad, many young people were disengaged, just thinking about how to leave the country,” he explains. But after the tragedy, which claimed 16 lives, fear turned into determination. “Maybe it sounds paradoxical, but fear infused by the government, led to liberation from fear.” The students have not only blocked nearly 90 faculties, but also organized protest marches across the country, even in remote areas with little access to independent media. “These marches are freeing people from fear,” he says. And importantly, “we can see fear in the eyes of those in power.” For a regime built on fear, this shift may mark the beginning of its downfall. 

As a journalist, Gruhonjić’s work is more urgent than ever. “I’m mostly doing daily journalism,” he says, as the protests have placed Novi Sad at the heart of political resistance. But this visibility also comes with danger. “I’ve been state enemy number one for over a year now, even before these massive protests” he says. After facing serious threats last spring and summer, Gruhonjić had to leave Serbia temporarily for safety reasons and now lives under private security, thanks to support from the European Federation of Journalists. Though the protests have created a more supportive social atmosphere, the risk remains. “Supporters of the government have constantly put my name and pictures on the front pages of regime tabloids and on national TV,” he says. “You never know who is watching and believing the propaganda.” Like many of his colleagues at the Independent Journalist Association of Vojvodina, Gruhonjić remains cautious, but also resolute. The protests, he believes, have brought much-needed solidarity in a time of fear and repression. 

Conclusion 

The student protests in Serbia have become a powerful expression of resistance against a system that has long ignored democratic values and suppressed independent voices. As Gruhonjić shows, these protests are not just about short-term demands, but about reclaiming space for freedom, public debate, academic independence, and media independence. While the regime continues to rely on fear and control, the students and their allies have shown that solidarity can still take root, even in difficult conditions. The question now is how long this momentum can be sustained, and whether international actors like the EU will finally take a clear stand. The coming months will be crucial, not only for Serbia’s political future, but for the democratic credibility of Europe as a whole.